concluding remarks by The Honourable Dr. Rajendra Prasad on Constitution of India Saturday, the 26th November,1949

concluding remarks by The Honourable Dr. Rajendra Prasad on Constitution of India

Saturday, the 26th November,1949

Mr. President: .....

Before I do that, I would like to mention some facts which will show the tremendousness of the task which we undertook some three years ago. If you consider the population with which the Assembly has had to deal, you will find that it is more than the population of the whole of Europe minus Russia, being 319 millions as against 317 millions. The countries of Europe have never beenable to join together or coalesce even in a Confederacy, much less under one unitary Government. Here, in spite of the size of the population and the country, we have succeeded in framing a Constitution which covers the whole of it. Apart from the size, there were other difficulties which were inherent in the problem itself. We have got many communities living in this country. We have got  many languages prevalent in different parts of it. We have got other kinds of differences dividing the  people in the different parts from one another. We had to make provision not only for areas which are  advanced educationally and economically; we had also to make provision for backward people like the Tribes and for backward areas like the Tribal areas. The communal problem had been one of the knottiest problems which the country has had before it for a pretty long time. The Second RoundTable Conference which was attended by Mahatma Gandhi failed because the communal problem could not be solved. The subsequent history of the country is too recent to require narration here; but we know this that as a result, the country has had to be divided and we have lost two big portions in the north-east and north-west.

Another problem of great magnitude was the problem of the Indian States. When the British came to India, they did not conquer the country as a whole or at one stroke. They got bits of it from time to time. The bits which came into their direct possession and control came to be known as British India; but a considerable portion remained under the rule and control of the Indian Princes. The British thought at the time that it was not necessary or profitable for them to take direct control of those territories, and they allowed the old Rulers to continue subject to their suzerainty. But they enteredinto various kinds of treaties and engagements with them. We had something near six hundred States covering more than one-third of the territory of India and one-fourth of the population of the country. They varied in size from small tiny principalities to big States like Mysore, Hyderabad, Kashmir, etc. When the British decided to leave this country, they transferred power to us; but at the same time, they also declared that all the treaties and engagements they had with the Princes had lapsed. The  aramountcy which they had so long exercised and by which they could keep the Princes in order also lapsed. The Indian Government was them faced with the problem of tackling these States which had different traditions of rule, some of them having some form of popular representation in Assembliesand some having no semblance of anything like that, and governing completely autocratically. As a result of the declaration that the treaties with the Princes and Paramountcy had lapsed, itbecame open to any Prince or any combination of Princes to assume independence and even to enter into negotiations with any foreign power and thus become islands of independent territory within the

country. There were undoubtedly geographical and other compulsions which made it physically

impossible for most of them to go against the Government of India but constitutionally it had become

possible. The Constituent Assembly therefore had at the very beginning of its labours, to enter into

negotiations with them to bring their representatives into the Assembly so that a constitution might

be framed in consultation with them. The first efforts were successful and some of them did join this Assembly at an early stage but others hesitated. It is not necessary to pry into the secrets of what was happening in those days behind the scenes. It will be sufficient to state that by August 1947 when the Indian Independence Act came into force, almost all of them with two notable exceptions, Kashmir in the north and Hyderabad in the South, had acceded to India. Kashmir soon after followed the example of others and acceded. There were standstill agreements with all of them including Hyderabad which continued the status quo. As time passed, it became apparent that it was not possible at any rate for the smaller States to maintain their separate independence existence and  then a process of integration with India started. In course of time not only have all the smaller States coalesced and become integrated with some province or other of India but some of the larger ones also have joined. Many of the States have formed Unions of their own and such Unions have become part of the Indian Union. It must be said to the credit of the Princes and the people of the States no less than to the credit of the States Ministry under the wise and far-sighted guidance of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel that by the time we have been able to pass this Constitution, the States are now

more or less in the same position as the Provinces and it has become possible to describe all of them

including the Indian States and the Provinces as States in the Constitution. The announcement which

has been made just now by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel makes the position very clear, and now there is

no difference between the States, as understood before, and the provinces in the New Constitution.

It has undoubtedly taken us three years to complete this work, but when we consider the work

that has been accomplished and the number of days that we have spent in framing this Constitution, the details of which were given by the Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, yesterday, we have no reason to be sorry for the time spent.

It has enabled the apparently intractable problem of the States and the communal problem to be

solved. What had proved insoluble at the Round Table Conference and had resulted in the division of the country has been solved with the consent of all parties concerned, and again under the wise

guidance of Honourable Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.

At first we were able to get rid of separate electorates which had poisoned our political life for so

many years, but reservation of seats for the communities which enjoyed separate electorates before had to be conceded, although on the basis of their population and not as had been done in the Act of 1919 and the Act of 1935 of giving additional representation on account of the so-called historical and  other superiority claimed by some of the communities. It has become possible only because the  Constitution was not passed earlier that even reservation of seats has been given up by the  communities concerned and so our Constitution does not provide for reservation of seats on

communal basis, but for reservation only in favour of two classes of people in our population, namely, the depressed classes who are Hindus and the tribal people, on account of their backwardness ineducation and in other respects. I therefore see no reason to be apologetic about the delay. The cost too which the Assembly has had to incur during its three year's existence is not too high when you take into consideration the factors going to constitute it. I understand that the expenses up to the 22nd of November come to Rs. 63,96,729/-.

The method which the Constituent Assembly adopted in connection with the Constitution was first

to lay down its ‘terms of reference’ as it were in the form of an Objective Resolution which was moved

by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in as inspiring speech and which constitutes now the Preamble to our

Constitution. It then proceeded to appoint a number of committees to deal with different aspects of

the Constitutional problem. Dr. Ambedkar mentioned the names of these Committees. Several of

these had as their Chairman either Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru or Sardar Patel to whom thus goes the

credit for the fundamentals of our Constitution. I have only to add that they all worked in a businesslike

manner and produced reports which were considered by the Assembly and their

recommendations were adopted as the basis on which the draft of the Constitution had to be

prepared. This was done by Mr. B. N. Rau, who brought to bear on his task a detailed knowledge of

Constitutions of other countries and an extensive knowledge of the conditions of this country as well

as his own administrative experience. The Assembly then appointed the Drafting Committee which

worked on the original draft prepared by Mr. B. N. Rau and produced the Draft Constitution which was

considered by the Assembly at great length at the second reading stage. As Dr. Ambedkar pointed

out, there were not less than 7,635 amendments of which 2,473 amendments were moved. I am

mentioning this only to show that it was not only the Members of the Drafting Committee who were

giving their close attention to the Constitution, but other Members were vigilant and scrutinizing the

Draft in all its details. No wonder, that we had to consider not only each article in the Draft, but

practically every sentence and sometimes, every word in every article. It may interest honourable

members to know that the public were taking great interest in its proceedings and I have discovered

that no less than 53,000 visitors were admitted to the Visitors gallery during the period when the

Constitution has been under consideration. In the result, the Draft Constitution has increased in size,

and by the time it has been passed, it has come to have 395 articles and 8 schedules, instead of the

243 articles and 13 schedules of the original Draft of Mr. B. N. Rau. I do not attach much importance

to the complaint which is sometimes made that it has become too bulky. If the provisions have been

well thought out, the bulk need not disturb the equanimity of our mind.

We have now to consider the salient features of the Constitution. The first question which arises

and which has been mooted is as to the category to which this Constitution belongs. Personally, I do

not attach any importance to the label which may be attached to it – whether you call it Federal

Constitution or Unitary Constitution or by any other name. It makes no difference so long as the

Constitution serves our purpose. We are not bound to have a constitution which completely and fully

falls in line with known categories of constitutions in the world. We have to take certain facts of

history in our own country and the Constitution has not to an inconsiderable extent been influenced

by such realities as facts of history.

You are all aware that until the Round Table conference of 1930, India was completely a Unitary

Government, and the provinces derived whatever power they possessed from the Government of

India. It was there for the first time that the question of Federation in a practical form arose which

would include not only the provinces but also the many States that were in existence. The

Constitution of 1935 provided for a Federation in which both the provinces of India and the States

were asked to join. But the federal part of it could not be brought into operation, because terms on

which the Princes could agree to join it could not be in settled in spite of prolonged negotiation. And,

when the war broke out, that part of the Constitution had practically to be abrogated.

In the present Constitution it has been possible not only to bring in practically all the States which

fell within our geographical limits, but to integrate the largest majority of them in India, and the

Constitution as it stands practically makes no difference so far as the administration and the

distribution of powers among the various organs of the State are concerned between what were the

Provinces and what were Indian States before. They are all now more or less on the same footing

and, as time passes, whatever little distinction still exists is bound to disappear. Therefore, so far as

labelling is concerned, we need not be troubled by it.

Well, the first and the most obvious fact which will attract any observer is the fact that we are

going to have a Republic. India knew republics in the past olden days, but that was 2,000 years ago

or more and those republics were small republics. We never had anything like the Republic which we

are going to have now, although there were empires in those days as well as during the Mughal

period which covered very large parts of the country. The President of the Republic will be an elected

President. We never have had an elected Head of the State which covered such a large area of India.

And it is for the first time that it becomes open to the humblest and the lowliest citizens of the

country to deserve and become the President or the Head of this big State which counts among the

biggest States of the world today. This is not a small matter. But because we have an elected

President, some of the problems which are of a very difficult nature have arisen. We have provided

for the election of the President. We have provided for an elected legislature which is going to have

supreme authority. In America, the legislature and the President are both elected and, there both

have more or less equal powers – each in its or his own sphere, the President in the executive sphere

and the legislature in the legislative sphere.

We considered whether we should adopt the American model or the British model where we have

a hereditary king who is the fountain of all honour and power, but who does not actually enjoy any

power. All the power rests in the Legislature to which the Ministers are responsible. We have had to

reconcile the position of an elected President with an elected Legislature and, in doing so, we have

adopted more or less the position of the British Monarch for the President. This may or may not be

satisfactory. Some people think too much power has been given to the President; others think that

the President, being an elected President, should have even more powers than are given to him.

If you look at it from the point of view of the electorate which elects the Parliament and which

elects the President, you will find that practically the entire adult population of the country joins in

electing this Parliament and it is not only the Members of the Parliament of India but also the

Members of the Legislative Assemblies of the States who join in electing the President. It thus comes

about that, while the Parliament and Legislative Assemblies are elected by the adult population of the

country as a whole, the President is elected by representatives who represent the entire population

twice over, once as representatives of the States and again as their representatives in the Central

Parliament of the country. But although the President is elected by the same electorate as the Central

and State Legislatures, it is as well that his position is that of a Constitutional President.

Then we come to the Ministers. They are of course responsible to the Legislature and tender

advice to the President who is bound to act according to that advice. Although there are no specific

provisions, so far as I know, in the Constitution itself making it binding on the President to accept the

advice of his Ministers, it is hoped that the convention under which in England the King acts always on

the advice of his Ministers will be established in this country also and, the president, not so much on

account of the written word in the Constitution, but as the result of this very healthy convention, will

become a Constitutional President in all matters.

The Central Legislature consists of two Houses known as the House of People and the Council of

States which both together constitute the Parliament of India. In the Provinces, or States as they are

now called, we shall have a Legislative Assembly in all of them except those which are mentioned in

Parts C and D of Schedule I, but every one of them will not have a Second Chamber. Some of the

provinces, whose representatives felt that a Second Chamber is required for them, have been

provided with a Second Chamber. But there is a provision in the Constitution that if a province does

not want such a Second Chamber to continue or if a province which has not got one wants to

establish one, the wish has to be expressed through the Legislature by a majority of two-thirds of the

Members voting and by a majority of the total number of Members in the Legislative Assembly. So,

even while providing some of the States with Second Chambers, we have provided also for their easy

removal or for their easy establishment by making this kind of amendment of the Constitution not a

Constitutional Amendment, but a matter of ordinary parliamentary legislation.

We have provided for adult suffrage by which the legislative assemblies in the provinces and the

House of the People in the Centre will be elected. It is a very big step that we have taken. It is big not

only because our present electorate is a very much smaller electorate and based very largely on

property qualification, but it is also big because it involves tremendous numbers. Our population now

is something like 320 millions if not more and we have found from experience gained during the

enrolment of voters that has been going on in the provinces that 50 per cent. roughly representing

the adult population. And on that basis we shall have not less than 160 million voters on our rolls. The

work of organising election by such vast numbers is of tremendous magnitude and there is no other

country where election on such a large scale has ever yet been held.

I will just mention to you some facts in this connection. The legislative assemblies in the

provinces, it is roughly calculated, will have more than 3,800 members who will have to be elected in

as many constituencies or perhaps a few less. Then there will be something like 500 members for the

House of the People and about 220 Members for the Council of States. We shall thus have to provide

for the election of more than 4,500 members and the country will have to be divided into something

like 4,000 constituencies or so. I was the other day, as a matter of amusement, calculating what our

electoral roll will look like. If you print 40 names on a page of foolscap size, we shall require

something like 20 lakhs of sheets of foolscap size to print all the names of the voters, and if you

combine the whole thing in one volume, the thickness of the volume will be something like 200 yards.

That alone gives us some idea of the vastness of the task and the work involved in finalising the rolls,

delimiting Constituencies, fixing polling stations and making other arrangements which will have to be

done between now and the winter of 1950-51 when it is hoped the elections may be held.

Some people have doubted the wisdom of adult franchise. Personally, although I look upon it as

an experiment the result of which no one will be able to forecast today, I am not dismayed by it. I am

a man of the village and although I have had to live in cities for a pretty long time, on account of my

work, my roots are still there. I, therefore, know the village people who will constitute the bulk of this

vast electorate. In my opinion, our people possess intelligence and commonsense. They also have a

culture which the sophisticated people of today many not appreciate, but which is solid. They are not

literate and do not possess the mechanical skill of reading and writing. But, I have no doubt in my

mind that they are able to take measure of their own interest and also of the interests of the country

at large if things are explained to them. In fact, in some respects, I consider them to be even more

intelligent than many a worker in a factory, who loses his individuality and becomes more or less a

part of the machine which he has to work. I have, therefore, no doubt in my mind that if things are

explained to them, they will not only be able to pick up the technique of election, but will be able to

cast their votes in an intelligent manner and I have, therefore, no misgivings about the future, on

their account. I cannot say the same thing about the other people who may try to influence them by

slogans and by placing before them beautiful pictures of impracticable programmes. Nevertheless, I

think their sturdy commonsense will enable them to see things in the right perspective. We can,

therefore, reasonably hope that we shall have legislatures composed of members who shall have their

feet on the ground and who will take a realistic view of things.

Although provision has been made for a second chamber in the Parliament and for second

chambers in some of the States, it is the popular House which is supreme. In all financial and money

matters, the supremacy of the popular House is laid down in so many words. But even in regard to

other matters where the Upper Chamber may be said to have equal powers for initiating and passing

laws, the supremacy of the popular House is assured. So far as Parliament is concerned, if a

difference arises between the two Chambers, a joint session may be held; but the Constitution

provides that the number of Members of the Council of States shall not be more than 50 percent. of

the Members of the House of the People. Therefore, even in the case of a joint session, the

supremacy of the House of the People is maintained, unless the majority in that very House is a small

one which will be just a case in which its supremacy should not prevail. In the case of provincial

legislatures, the decision of the Lower House, prevails if it is taken a second time. The Upper Chamber

therefore can only delay the passage of Bills for a time, but cannot prevent it. The President or the

Governor, as the case may be, will have to give his assent to any legislation, but that will be only on

the advice of his Ministry which is responsible ultimately to the popular House. Thus, it is the will of

the people as expressed by their representatives in the popular Chamber that will finally determine all

matters. The second Chamber and the President or the Governor can only direct reconsideration and

can only cause some delay; but if the popular Chamber is determined, it will have its way under the

Constitution. The Government therefore of the country as a whole, both in the Centre and in the

Provinces, will rest on the will of the people which will be expressed from day to day through their

representatives in the legislatures and, occasionally directly by them at the time of the general

elections.

We have provided in the Constitution for a judiciary which will be independent. It is difficult to

suggest anything more to make the Supreme Court and the High Courts independent of the influence

of the Executive. There is an attempt made in the Constitution to make even the lower judiciary

independent of any outside or extraneous influence. One of our articles makes it easy for the State

Governments to introduce separation of Executive from Judicial functions and placing the magistracy

which deals with criminal cases on similar footing as Civil Courts. I can only express the hope that this

long overdue reform will soon be introduced in the States.

Our Constitution has devised certain independent agencies to deal with particular matters. Thus, it

has provided for Public Service Commission both for the Union and for the States and placed such

Commission on an independent footing so that they may discharge their duties without being

influenced by the Executive. One of the things against which we have to guard is that there should be

no room as far as it is humanly possible for jobbery, nepotism and favouritism. I think the provisions

which we have introduced into our Constitution will be very helpful in this direction.

Another independent authority is the Comptroller and Auditor-General who will watch our finances

and see to it that no part of the revenues of India or of any of the States is used for purposes and on

items without due authority and whose duty it will be otherwise to keep our accounts in order. When

we consider that our Governments will have to deal with hundreds of crores, it becomes clear how

important and vital this Department will be. We have provided another important authority, i.e., the

Election Commissioner whose function it will be to conduct and supervise the elections to the

Legislatures and to take all other necessary action and connection with them. One of the dangers

which we have to face arises out of any corruption which parties, candidates or the Government in

power may practise. We have had no experience of democratic elections for a long time except during

the last few years and now that we have got real power, the danger of corruption is not only

imaginary. It is therefore as well that our Constitution guards against this danger and makes

provision for an honest and straightforward election by the voters. In the case of the Legislature, the

High Courts, the Public Services Commission, the Comptroller and Auditor-General and the Election

Commissioner, the Staff which will assist them in their work has also been placed under their control

and in most of these cases their appointment, promotion and discipline vest in the particular

institution to which they belong thus giving additional safeguards about their independence.

The Constitution has given in two Schedules, namely Schedules V and VI, special provisions for

administration and control of Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes. In the case of the Tribes and

Tribal Areas in States other than Assam, the Tribes will be able to influence the administration

through the Tribes Advisory Council. In the case of the Tribes and Tribal Areas in Assam, they are

given larger powers through their district Councils and Autonomous Regional Councils. There is,

further provision for a Minister in the State Ministries to be in charge of the welfare of the Tribes and

the Scheduled Castes and a Commission will also report about the way in which the areas are

administered. It was necessary to make this provision on account of the backwardness of the Tribes

which require protection and also because their own way of solving their own problems and carrying

on their Tribal life. These provisions have given them considerable satisfaction as the provision for the

welfare and protection of the Scheduled Castes has given satisfaction to them.

The Constitution has gone into great details regarding the distribution of power and functions

between the Union and the States in all aspects of their administrative and other activities. It has

been said by some that the powers given to the Centre are too many and too extensive and the

States have been deprived of power which should really belong to them in their own fields. I do not

wish to pass any judgment on this criticism and can only say that we cannot be too cautious about

our future, particularly when we remember the history of this country extending over many centuries.

But such powers as have been given to the Centre to act within the sphere of the States relate only to

emergencies, whether political or financial and economic, and I do not anticipate that there will be

any tendency on the part of the Centre to grab more power than is necessary for good administration

of the country as a whole. In any case the Central Legislature consists of representatives from the

States and unless they are convinced of their over-riding necessity, they are not likely to consent to

the use of any such powers by the Central executive as against the States whose people they

represent. I do not attach much importance to the complaint that residuary powers have been vested

in the Union. Powers have been very meticulously and elaborately defined and demarcated in the

three lists of Schedule Seven, and the residue whatever it may be, is not likely to cover any large

field, and, therefore, the vesting of such residuary powers does not mean any very serious derogation

in fact from the power which ought to belong to the States.

One of the problems which the Constituent Assembly took considerable time in solving relates to

the language for official purposes of the country. There is a natural desire that the we should have

our own language, and in spite the difficulties on account of the multiplicity of languages prevalent in

the country, we have been able to adopt Hindi which is the language that is understood by the largest

number of people in the country as our official language. I look upon this as a decision of very great

importance when we consider that in a small country like Switzerland they have no less than three

official languages and in South Africa two official languages. It shows a spirit of accommodation and a

determination to organize the country as one nation that those whose language is not Hindi have

voluntarily accepted it as the official language. (Cheers). There is no question of imposition now.

English during the period of British rule, Persian during the period of the Muslim Empire were Court

and official languages. Although people have studies them and have acquired proficiency in them,

nobody can claim that they were voluntarily adopted by the people of the country at large. Now for

the first time in our history we have accepted one language which will be the language to be used all

over the country for all official purposes, and let me hope that it will develop into a national language

in which all will feel equal pride while each area will be not only free, but also encouraged to develop

its own peculiar language in which its culture and its traditions are enshrined. The use of English

during the period of transition was considered inevitable for practical reasons and no one need be

despondent over this decision, which has been dictated purely by practical considerations. It is the

duty of the country as a whole now and especially of those whose language is Hindi to so shape and

develop it as to make it the language in which the composite culture of India can find its expression

adequately and nobly.

Another important feature of our Constitution is that it enables amendments to be made without

much difficulty. Even the constitutional amendments are not as difficult as in the case of some other

countries, but many of the provisions in the Constitution are capable of being amended by the

Parliament by ordinary acts and do not require the procedure laid down for constitutional

amendments to be followed. There was a provision at one time which proposed that amendments

should be made easy for the first five years after the Constitution comes into force, but such a

provision has become unnecessary on account of the numerous exceptions which have been made in

the Constitution itself for amendments without the procedure laid down for constitutional

amendments. On the whole, therefore, we have been able to draft a Constitution which I trust will

serve the country well.

There is a special provision in our Directive Principles to which I attach great importance. We have

not provided for the good of our people only but have laid down in our directive principles that our

State shall endeavour to promote material peace and security, maintain just and honourable relations

between nations, foster respects for international law and treaty obligations and encourage

settlement of international disputes by arbitration. In a world torn with conflicts, in a world which

even after the devastation of two world wars is still depending on armaments to establish peace and

goodwill, we are destined to play a great part, if we prove true to the teachings of the Father of the

Nation and give effect to this directive principle in our Constitution. Would to God that he would give

us the wisdom and the strength to pursuance this path in spite of the difficulties which beset us and

the atmosphere which may well choke us. Let us have faith in ourselves and in the teachings of the

Master whose portrait hangs over my head and we shall fulfil the hopes and prove true to the best

interests of not only our country but of the world at large.

I do not propose to deal with the criticism which relate mostly to the articles in the part dealing

with Fundamental Rights by which absolute rights are curtailed and the articles dealing with

Emergency Powers. Other Members have dealt with these objections at great length. All that I need

state at this stage is that the present conditions of the country and tendencies which are apparent

have necessitated these provisions which are also based on the experience of other countries which

have had to enforce them through judicial decisions, even when they were not provided for in the

Constitution.

There are only two regrets which I must share with the honourable Members I would have liked to

have some qualifications laid down for members of the Legislatures. It is anomalous that we should

insist upon high qualifications for those who administer or help in administering the law but none for

those who made it except that they are elected. A law giver requires intellectual equipment but even

more than that capacity to take a balanced view of things to act independently and above all to be

true to those fundamental things of life – in one word – to have character (Hear, hear). It is not

possible to devise any yardstick for measuring the moral qualities of a man and so long as that is not

possible, our Constitution will remain defective. The other regret is that we have not been able to

draw up our first Constitution of a free Bharat in an Indian language. The difficulties in both cases

were practical and proved insurmountable. But that does not make the regret any the less poignant.

We have prepared a democratic Constitution. But successful working of democratic institutions

requires in those who have to work them willingness to respect the view points of others, capacity for

compromise and accommodation. Many things which cannot be written in a Constitution are done by

conventions. Let me hope that we shall show those capacities and develop those conventions. The

way in which we have been able to draw this Constitution without taking recourse to voting and to

divisions in Lobbies strengthens that hope.

Whatever the Constitution may or may not provide, the welfare of the country will depend upon

the way in which the country is administered. That will depend upon the men who administer it. It is a

trite saying that a country can have only the Government it deserves. Our Constitution has provision

in it which appear to some to be objectionable from one point or another. We must admit that the

defects are inherent in the situation in the country and the people at large. If the people who are

elected are capable and men of character and integrity, they would be able to make the best even of

a defective Constitution. If they are lacking in these, the Constitution cannot help the country. After

all, a Constitution like a machine is a lifeless thing. It acquires life because of the men who control it

and operate it, and India needs today nothing more than a set of honest men who will have the

interest of the country before them. There is a fissiparous tendency arising out of various elements in

our life. We have communal differences, caste differences, language differences, provincial differences

and so forth. It requires men of strong character, men of vision, men who will not sacrifice the

interests of the country at large for the sake of smaller groups and areas and who will rise over the

prejudices which are born of these differences. We can only hope that the country will throw up such

men in abundance. I can say this from the experience of the struggle that we have had during the

period of the freedom movement that new occasions throw up new men; not once but almost on

every occasion when all leading men in the Congress were clapped into prison suddenly without

having the time to leave instructions to others and even to make plans for carrying on their

campaigns, people arose from amongst the masses who were able to continue and conduct the

campaigns with intelligence, with initiative, with capacity for organization which nobody suspected

they possessed. I have no doubt that when the country needs men of character, they will be coming

up and the masses will throw them up. Let not those who have served in the past therefore rest on

their oars, saying that they have done their part and now has come the time for them to enjoy the

fruits of their labours. No such time comes to anyone who is really earnest about his work. In India

today I feel that the work that confronts us is even more difficult than the work which we had when

we were engaged in the struggle. We did not have then any conflicting claims to reconcile, no loaves

and fishes to distribute, no powers to share. We have all these now, and the temptations are really

great. Would to God that we shall have the wisdom and the strength to rise above them, and to serve

the country which we have succeeded in liberating.

Mahatma Gandhi laid stress on the purity of the methods which had to be pursued for attaining

our ends. Let us not forget that this teaching has eternal value and was not intended only for the

period of stress and struggle but has as much authority and value today as it ever had before. We

have a tendency to blame others for everything that goes wrong and not to introspect and try to see

if we have any share in it or not. It is very much easier to scan one's own actions and motives if one

is inclined to do so than to appraise correctly the actions and motives of others. I shall only hope that

all those whose good fortune it may be to work this Constitution in future will remember that it was a

unique victory which we achieved by the unique method taught to us by the Father of the Nation, and

it is up to us to preserve and protect the independence that we have won and to make it really bear

fruit for the man in the street. Let us launch on this new enterprise of running our Independent

Republic with confidence, with truth and non-violence and above all with heart within and God over

head.

Before I close, I must express my thanks to all the Members of this august Assembly from whom I

have received not only courtesy but, if I may say so, also their respect and affection. Sitting in the

Chair and watching the proceedings from day to day. I have realised as nobody else could have, with

what zeal and devotion the members of the Drafting Committee and especially its Chairman, Dr.

Ambedkar in spite of his indifferent health, have worked. (Cheers). We could never make a decision

which was or could be ever so right as when we put him on the Drafting Committee and made him its

Chairman. He has not only justified his selection but has added luster to the work which he has done.

In this connection, it would be invidious to make any distinction as among the other members of the

Committee. I know they have all worked with the same zeal and devotion as its Chairman, and they

deserve the thanks of the country.

I must convey, if you will permit me, my own thanks as well as the thanks of the house to our

Constitutional Adviser, Shri B. N. Rau, who worked honorarily all the time that he was here, assisting

the Assembly not only with his knowledge and erudition but also enabled the other Members to

perform their duties with thoroughness and intelligence by supplying them with the material on which

they could work. In this he was assisted by his band and research workers and other members of the

staff who worked with zeal and devotion. Tribute has been paid justly to Shri S. N. Mukerjee who has

proved of such invaluable help to the Drafting Committee.

Coming to the staff of the Secretariat of the Constituent Assembly I must first mention and thank

the Secretary, Mr. H. V. R. Yengar, who organised the Secretariat as an efficient working body.

Although latterly when the work began to proceed with more or less clock-work regularity, it was

possible for us to relieve him of part of his duties to take up other work, but he has never lost touch

with our Secretariat or with the work of the Constituent Assembly.

The members of the staff have worked with efficiency and with devotion under our Deputy

Secretary Shri Jugal Kishore Khanna. It is not always possible to see their work which is done

removed from the gaze of the Members of this Assembly but I am sure the tribute which Member

after Members has paid to their efficiency and devotion to work is thoroughly deserved. Our Reports

have done their work in a way which will give credit to them and which has helped in the preservation

of a record of the proceedings of the Assembly which have been long and taxing. I must mention the

translators as also the Translation Committee under the Chairmanship of Honourable Shir G. S. Gupta

who have had a hard job in finding Hindi equivalents for English terms used in the Constitution. They

are just now engaged in helping a Committee of Linguistic Experts in evolving a vocabulary which will

be acceptable to all other languages as equivalents to English words used in the Constitution and in

law. The Watch and Ward officers, and the Police and last though not least the Marshall have all

performed their duties to our satisfaction. (Cheers)